Kristoffer Jutvik

doctoral/PhD student at Institute for Housing and Urban Research

Email:
kristoffer.jutvik[AT-sign]ibf.uu.se
Telephone:
+4618-471 6539
Visiting address:
Trädgårdsgatan 18
Postal address:
Box 514
751 20 UPPSALA

doctoral/PhD student at Department of Government, Graduate Students

Email:
kristoffer.jutvik[AT-sign]ibf.uu.se
Telephone:
+4618-471 1203
Visiting address:
Gamla Torget 6
Postal address:
Box 514
751 20 UPPSALA

Short presentation

PhD student in political science at the Institute for Housing and Urban Research and the Department of Government who focuses on local differences in migration- and integration policy and the effect of migration policy on migration flows and labor market participation.

Also available at

My courses

Biography

Hi,

My name is Kristoffer Jutvik and I´m a PhD student at the Institute for Housing and Urban Research and the Department of Government. I received my bachelor’s degree from Linnaeus University in Kalmar and I later moved to Uppsala to attend the Master program in political science. After I graduated in 2013, I worked at the Swedish Migration Board before I started the PhD program in January 2015.

My main interests of research revolve around multicultural politics, the multicultural society, integration, and migration.

My dissertation focuses on migration- and integration policies in Sweden. The dissertation consists of four articles in total. In the first two articles, which have an explanatory approach, I try to understand why municipalities in Sweden developed different approaches to migration over time. The first article focuses on the impact of seat majorities in local councils on migrant reception. Focusing on the main political blocs, the study aims to bring new insights about the role of mainstream parties in shaping local migration policy. The second article, which has a qualitative approach, aims to bring new insights about how politicians and bureaucrats in municipalities with diverging historical migrant reception look upon causes of refugee reception and prospects for refugee reception.

The second part of the thesis focuses on the effects of different types of migration policies. In this part, which consists of two co-authored articles, I focus on the effect of a policy change that was implemented in September 2013. Shortly, the policy change meant that asylum seekers from Syria were granted permanent- instead of temporary residence permits. In the first article, that I write together with Henrik Andersson (Institute of Housing and Urban Research, Uppsala University), we investigate the effect of the policy change on the number of asylum seekers coming to Sweden and how the change affected the distribution of Syrian asylum seekers in Europe. In the second article, that I write together with Darrel Robinson (Political Department, Uppsala University), we investigate the effect of temporary- and permanent residence permits on labor market participation.

The abstracts of the articles are found below (under research).

Research

Unity or Distinction over Political Borders? The Impact of Mainstream Parties in Local Seat Majorities on Refugee reception - Varying commitment in local and national reception of refugees has caught the interest of a growing number of scholars. This study focuses on an understudied factor in existing studies, namely the impact of mainstream political parties on the local reception of refugees in Sweden. More specifically, this study exploits close elections in order to investigate the impact seat majorities on municipal reception. Focusing on the two main political blocs, the study aims to bring new insights about the willingness to receive migrants in communities were mainstream parties form the governing majority during three waves of elections (2002-2014). This article brings a few additions to current research. Firstly, it focuses on the impact of mainstream political alliances in governing coalitions on reception policy which is a largely unexplored area in previous research. Secondly, it exploits close elections to estimate the causal effect of being governed by a political bloc. Lastly, it focuses on reception policy implemented at the local level within one national context rather than comparing different institutional contexts. This study concludes that the relationship between the political blocs and reception policy is of correlational nature. In order to find an effect, the win margin for each bloc needs to be rather substantial. These results indicate that there is a coherent political attitude over the mainstream political blocs and that other factors, and not political majorities, promote the variance in migrant reception at the local level in Sweden.

Path dependencies in local migration policy in Sweden: reasoning and motivations for reception of refugees from municipal perspectives - There are large variations in the local reception of migrants across Swedish municipalities. This study concentrates on four small- and medium-sized municipalities, residing 7 500 to 50 000 inhabitants, with diverging historical approaches to migrant reception. By performing semi-structured interviews with local politicians and bureaucrats, the study aims to bring new insights about how these actors look upon causes of refugee reception and prospects for refugee reception within this specific type of context, largely neglected in previous studies. In conclusion, the study holds that prior experiences with migration are described as central explanations for contemporary refugee reception. As these small-sized communities lack many of the pull-factors, commonly found in more metropolitan areas, prior experiences with migration have facilitated (or hindered) the incorporation of migrant reception into the municipal identity despite varying ideological agendas and limited local resources. Moreover, prior migration has enhanced a belief in the ability of local institutions as well as promoted institutional learning. Judging from this study, not only nation-states are marked by institutional continuances but also small local entities outside of the bigger cities that, to a bigger extent, are restricted in terms of resources.

Do asylum seekers respond to policy changes? Evidence from the Swedish-Syrian case (with Henrik Andersson) - This paper uses quasi-experimental evidence to understand how changes in migration policy affect the number of asylum seekers. We look specifically at a sudden, regulatory change in the Swedish reception of Syrian asylum seekers. The change took place in September 2013, and implied that all Syrian asylum seekers would be granted permanent, instead of temporary residence permits. Using high frequency data and an interrupted time series set-up, we study the extent to which this change caused more Syrian citizens to apply for asylum in Sweden, and how the change affected the distribution of asylum seekers in Europe. Results show that the change in policy almost doubled the number of asylum seekers from Syria within 2013, with a significant jump in numbers already within the first week after the implementation of the policy. While this also decreased the share of asylum seekers to other large recipient countries (Germany), the effects were highly temporary. Our results provide the first causal evidence on the effect of asylum policy on the number of asylum seekers, and further show that information on asylum policy changes enters the decision margin of asylum seekers fairly fast.

Limited time or secure residence? A study on the short-term effects of temporary and permanent residence permits (with Darrel Robinson) - In this study we exploit a sudden policy change, implemented in Sweden, in order to evaluate the effects of permanent residency on labour market inclusion. In short, the policy change implied that Syrians were granted permanent instead of temporary residency as before the new regulations. Using detailed Swedish registry data, we examine the effect of the introduction of permanent residency on three measures of labour market inclusion 16 months after residency status was granted. We analyse the data through a simple difference-in-means as well as through comparison to groups unaffected by the policy in a difference-in-differences design and a synthetic control group approach. Our conclusions are twofold. On the one hand, we conclude that temporary residents that are subject to a relatively less-inclusive situation earn more and are unemployed less. However, at the same time, they are less likely to spend time in education than are those with permanent residency. While the political debate about the issue is often framed in such empirical terms, our results suggest that both approaches can be supported empirically, albeit with different metrics of success. In our view then, the issue should be viewed as largely normative. Rather than debate whether one approach will lead to greater inclusion than the other, focus should be shifted to discussing the type of inclusion that the different approaches are likely to provide.

Publications

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